About 393 minutes
How to be Happy Though Married: Being a Handbook to Marriage — Edition Insights
Society Culture
90,358 recorded words. 4 minutes difference from this book's estimate.
View Gutenberg source #35534For The Children of the Poor — Reading Companion, the stored edition analysis reports 89,279 words, 6 hr 29 min estimated reading time, and 11 detected text sections.
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Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Poor,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.
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About 393 minutes
Society Culture
90,358 recorded words. 4 minutes difference from this book's estimate.
View Gutenberg source #35534About 397 minutes
Society Culture
91,245 recorded words. 8 minutes difference from this book's estimate.
View Gutenberg source #53138About 418 minutes
Society Culture
95,961 recorded words. 29 minutes difference from this book's estimate.
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Jacob A. Riis opens The Children of the Poor by positioning it as a companion to his earlier work How the Other Half Lives, stating plainly that 'the two books are one' and that his aim has been 'to gather the facts for them to build upon.' The preface dedicates the book to his own children, who bring him flowers 'for the poor children,' and thanks a roster of collaborators including Dr. Roger S. Tracy of the Bureau of Vital Statistics and Rabbi Adolph M. Radin. Riis insists that his era demands 'facts, not theories,' and that while readers may differ on applying them, they will not quarrel over the facts themselves. This editorial note examines how the book’s catalog subjects—'Poor,' 'Poor -- New York (State) -- New York,' and 'Child welfare'—align with the evidence found in the excerpts.
Riis explicitly frames his book as a collection of facts rather than a theoretical treatise. In the preface he writes, 'Ours is an age of facts. It wants facts, not theories, and facts I have endeavored to set down in these pages.' This methodological claim is borne out in the excerpts, which mix statistical data with anecdotal reporting. For instance, the Fresh Air Fund chapter provides precise figures: 94,000 children served by 1891, total expenditure of $250,633.88, and an average cost per child that fell from $3.12 to $2.07. Riis also names specific individuals—Willard Parsons, the Evening Post, the Tribune—and traces the fund’s growth from 60 children in 1877 to 13,568 in 1891. The catalog subject 'Poor' is thus addressed through a lens of empirical documentation, though the excerpts show that Riis’s 'facts' often serve a reformist argument rather than neutral observation.
The catalog subjects do not mention ethnicity or race, yet the excerpts reveal that Riis pays particular attention to Italian and African American children. He notes that 'no one asks for Italian children' in the Fresh Air Fund, and he asserts that 'there are no more tractable children than the little Italians, none more grateful for kindness; certainly none more in need of it.' He also observes that 'against colored children there is no prejudice' and that invitations sometimes come from Massachusetts for them. These remarks indicate that the book’s treatment of poverty is not uniform across groups; Riis identifies gaps in charitable outreach that the catalog’s broad subject headings obscure. The excerpts do not, however, provide evidence of how extensively he covers other ethnic groups mentioned in the table of contents, such as the Italian slum children of Chapter II or 'Tony and His Tribe' in Chapter IV.
The table of contents lists 21 chapters spanning topics from 'The Problem of the Children' to 'The Verdict of the Potter’s Field.' The excerpts include only the preface and a portion of Chapter X, 'The Story of the Fresh Air Fund,' so the full scope of the book must be inferred. The chapter titles suggest a systematic approach: early chapters focus on specific ethnic communities (Italian, East Side, 'Tony and His Tribe'), then move to labor ('The Little Toilers'), truancy, and causes of delinquency ('What it is that Makes Boys Bad'). Later chapters address institutions like kindergartens, industrial schools, boys’ clubs, and the Fresh Air Fund. The catalog subject 'Child welfare' is clearly relevant, but the excerpts show that Riis’s interest extends to the mechanics of charitable organizations—their funding, administration, and effectiveness—rather than solely to the condition of poor children. The book appears to be as much about reform efforts as about poverty itself.
Readers approaching The Children of the Poor should note that Riis’s declared commitment to facts does not preclude strong editorializing. His praise for certain charities and his critiques of others (such as the failure to include Italian children) are woven into the data. The excerpts offer a clear view of his method in one chapter, but the book’s overall argument can only be assessed by reading the full text. Pay attention to how Riis balances statistical tables with personal narratives, and consider whether his 'facts' consistently support his reformist conclusions.
I've often thought, shelving Riis's Reading Companion, how he measured childhood by what it lacked—bread, air, rest. Such arithmetic of want. Yet those same careful columns, tracing homes and hopes, whisper an odd kinship with a different ledger, one weighing vows and continuance. Both are taxonomies of fragility, catalogues of human clinging. That old matrimony volume sits quietly near, a softer echo of the same stubborn story. A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3 — A Closer Reading holds its own patient census of shelter.
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